Saturday, January 22, 2005
Monday, January 03, 2005
Bloggatical
Before I go, I just wanted to thank all my blog friends for all the great conversations we've had here. I've really enjoyed getting to know all of you, and I hope to return. For those of you who are also bloggers, you'll probably still find me lurking in your comments from time to time. Adieu!
Sunday, December 12, 2004
Finals Blow
Quote of the Week, Dec. 12th
“The hidden hand of the market will never work without the hidden fist.”
-Thomas Friedman, The Lexus and the Olive Tree
Saturday, December 11, 2004
The Genesis of Personal Principles
I've been considering the free trade issue in preparation for a final, for which I've been reading Taking Trade to the Streets, by Susan Aaronson, which is basically takes a look at the history of protectionism in America (and a relatively fair one, in my opinion). This is intended to be a counter perspective to Tom Friedman's Lexus and the Olive Tree, which we also read.
In any case, in reading about the opposition to NAFTA, I had a funny recollection. Keep in mind I was only in junior high school when those negotiations were going on, so I didn't really have the faintest idea about economics. I remember my father being ardently opposed to NAFTA, railing about jobs going to Mexico. (This is funny in retrospect, because now he's apparently pro-NAFTA and revises history to insist that Clinton had nothing to do with NAFTA's passage - it was all Bush and my dad was for it all along, goes the current story.) I remember listening to his reasons for opposing NAFTA, and nevertheless concluding that I thought he was wrong and that NAFTA was a good thing. Where did I get that from? My father was my only source of information about this kind of stuff at the time and I didn't take an economics class till college. Beats me.
Actually, as I was writing that, I recalled that even before that, my dad was upset about Japanese imports and I couldn't figure out what the big deal was about that either. Japanese competition was an issue, what, in the late 80's? Was I 10, at the oldest? Where did I come up with this stuff? Apparently I've been pro-free trade since before I even knew why.
Conservative Intransigence
See, that’s where the Republican party has erred in pushing the idea too far. I support gay marriage but I also support the right of states to decide for themselves. It sounds like you oppose gay marriage, but also support the right of states to choose for themselves. If the administration had pushed for a version of the FMA that said that the FFAC clause doesn’t apply to marriage, codifying established legal practice (a state that doesn’t allow 16 year olds to marry doesn’t have to recognize a marriage of 16 year olds from a state that does), it would have broad support and would probably pass. I would support it, if that’s what it said. But it’s not. As it is, it is not going anywhere, and thus states that want protection from recognizing gay marriages won’t get it. They’ve made a huge tactical error in pushing for the FMA as it is.I wanted to elaborate a bit further on this theme as this is one of the things that really gets under my skin about those on the right who are on most other issues my allies. I generally disagree with the right's views on social issues, but I respect those views. What I can't stand is that they dogmatically tie themselves to positions that don't have broad support and refuse to take more moderate positions that most people would consider necessary, and completely thwart their own point of view. Gay marriage is one example - if they would go for a gay marriage amendment that preserved the right of states to choose for themselves rather than one that defines marraige for the states, it would pass. As it is, it won't and states that don't want gay marriage will be forced to accept it. The exact opposite of their intention.
Another example is on cloning. Nearly everyone, including most scientists, supports a ban on reproductive cloning, because the technology has not proven reliable enough in other mammalian species to be ethically performed in humans. (See this letter from 2002, signed by 40 Nobel Laureates, including James Watson.) But the religious right wants a ban on all cloning, which doesn't have broad support. And so, because they insist on pushing for a ban on all cloning, which consistently fails both domestically and internationally, the quack in Kentucky who wants to use cloning as reproductive assistance can still do so.
While to a certain extent I respect intransigence when one feels strongly about something, at times excessive intransigence can lead to undermining ones own principles entirely. The religious right consistently does this. If constitutionally banning gay marriage outright is going to fail, why not support an intermediate position that at least protects those states that don't want to recognize gay marriages? If a total ban of cloning is going to fail, why not at least support a ban of reproductive cloning, which is far more frightening in its implications than its more benign therapeutic cousin? Their dogmatism doesn't lead to a conservative victory, but rather a victory for those who are far more liberal than the vast majority of Americans.
Friday, December 10, 2004
The Struggle for Democracy
Thursday, December 09, 2004
'Tis the Season
It Has Begun
Wednesday, December 08, 2004
Calm Down People!
UPDATE (12/10 - post-company Christmas party and many glasses of wine): Damn. Jeff Goldstein actually visits my site and comments and I've apparently inadvertently come off as being densely immune to humor. For the record, the above link was more to the comments section of that post, in which some of the bitterness appeared not to be in jest. I realized Jeff was kidding about Meryl's endorsement. For any aspiring bloggers out there, this is a good case study in how not to get major bloggers to come back to your site....
Tuesday, December 07, 2004
Testing the Waters
The faculty teaching my classes this semester was actually pretty balanced and moderate. I have four classes. In the first, my teacher served in the Bush administration, so I assume that he is a Republican. In class, he never betrayed a strong bias either way. In the second, the last session of which (besides the final) was this evening, I never had a strong feel for his political perspectives until this evening. He had revealed previously that he came from a family of conservatives, but hell, so apparently does Maureen Dowd, so that doesn't mean anything. Tonight we didn't have that much more material to cover, so we spent most of the class chatting (on topics such as this and this, among other things), and he revealed that he is a conservative, albeit of the fiscal variety that breaks out in hives at the thought of the budget deficits the Bush administration is running.
The third class is the one I've written about previously, taught by a journalist from the mainstream media. I never got any strong sense of her personal political leanings, but I did pursue my intended course of attempting to cause mischief with a mainstream journalist. I got nothing, except, well, glowing A's. I did use a much-revised version of this piece for my op-ed. A, accompanied with commentary about how it was a superb piece. I also used Mark Steyn (who's back, by the way!) as my example of a column that I enjoyed. A. So either this woman was definitely not a liberal, or she is a person who delights in other viewpoints. Either way, certainly not a hostile environment for right-leaning students.
The fourth class is probably the most interesting case. This is class in which this incident occurred. The teacher of this class was definitely anti-Bush, and I knew that before election day. What was noteworthy in this context about that class was that even though I was outnumbered 20-something to 2 in the Kerry-supporters vs. Bush supporters department, a) the class discussions were always interesting and b) the teacher was not at all hostile towards those who did not agree with him. He took the view (and this is very nearly a direct quote, though not directed at me), "We disagree, we can scream and yell at each other, but in the end, we are still friends." The day before Thanksgiving a group of us went out for drinks after class and the teacher came with. He actually went so far as prefacing criticisms of Bush with apologies to me (totally unnecessary!). He also told me that he finds my writing persuasive even when he's not willing to be persuaded and that I should be a diplomat, because I defend my country very well (not interested, but it was intended as a complement, so I took it as one). So again, even though it was a very left-leaning class and a left-leaning teacher, I didn't find my political views to be a problem.
So overall, I'm pretty satisfied. I mean, one has to expect grad school to be left-leaning. Especially in DC. But as long as I don't feel like being honest about my political views is going to hamper my ability to be successful in school in any way, I'm happy. And after semester 1, I feel like that is the case.
Intelligence Reform: The Finale
Monday, December 06, 2004
Crying Wolf????
RUSSERT: Private accounts for Social Security, the president has made that a priority of his domestic agenda. Will you work with him in privatizing part of Social Security?
REID: Tim, I can remember, as a little boy, my widowed grandmother with eight children; she lived alone. But she felt independent because she got, every month, her old-age pension check.
That's what this is all about. The most successful social program in the history of the world is being hijacked by Wall Street.
Yes, Social Security is a good program. And if the president has some ideas about trying to improve it, I'll talk to him, and we as Democrats will. But we are not going to let Wall Street hijack Social Security. It won't happen. They are trying to destroy Social Security.
RUSSERT: No private accounts?
REID: They are trying to destroy Social Security by giving this money to the fat cats on Wall Street, and I think it's wrong.
RUSSERT: But, Senator, there are now 40 million people on Social Security. In the next 20 years, there will be 80 million. Life expectancy used to be 65 years old. It's approaching 80.
If you have twice as many people on these programs for 15 years, you've got to restructure them in some way, shape or form. What is your solution? What is your alternative?
REID: Tim, all experts say that Social Security beneficiaries will receive every penny of their benefits that they're entitled to, 100 percent of them, until the year 2055. After that, if we still do nothing, they'll draw 80 percent of their benefits.
I want those beneficiaries after the year of 2055 to draw 100 percent of their benefits. But this does not require dismantling the program. For heaven's sakes, they are crying wolf a little to regularly here.
Sunday, December 05, 2004
Go Colonials!
In one weekend, George Washington established itself as a national contender, beating two top 15 teams, both of which have won a national title the past five years. But the celebration was reserved; Coach Karl Hobbs has engrained in his team that the season's true accomplishment won't come for three months, when George Washington hopes to be invited to its first NCAA tournament this decade.
Yesterday's 101-92 victory over Maryland in the championship game of the BB&T Classic marked one "step further toward our dream," Hobbs said. It was a significant victory nonetheless, one that likely will propel George Washington (5-1) into the Associated Press top 25, released today, for the first time since February 1998.
The Colonials used their athleticism to beat No. 11 Michigan State, Saturday's opponent, and No. 12 Maryland, two teams from more talent-rich conferences.
Woo-hoo! I love college hoops, now I'm going to have to start going to games!
Divide and Conquer
Quote of the Week, December 5th
"The privilege of being able to print the world's reserve currency, a privilege which is now at risk, allows America to borrow cheaply, and thus to spend much more than it earns, on far better terms than are available to others. Imagine you could write cheques that were accepted as payment but never cashed. That is what it amounts to."
-The Economist, 2 Dec 2004
Good Cop, Bad Cop?
Cooper describes the E.U. as a liberal, democratic, voluntary empire expanding continuously outward as others seek to join it. This expanding Europe absorbs problems and conflicts rather than directly confronting them in the American style. The lure of membership, he notes, has helped stabilize the Balkans and influenced the political course of Turkey. The Turkish people's desire to join the European Union has led them to modify Turkey's legal code and expand rights to conform to European standards. The expansive and attractive force of the European Union has also played its part in the Ukraine crisis. Had Europe not expanded to include Poland and other Eastern European countries, it would have neither the interest nor the influence in Ukraine's domestic affairs that it does.
Cooper, unlike many Europeans, acknowledges the vital role of U.S. power in providing the strategic environment within which Europe's soft expansionism can proceed. Employing America's "military muscle" to "clear the way for a political solution involving a kind of imperial penumbra around the European Union," he suggests, may be the way to deal with "the area of the greatest threat in the Middle East." In the Balkans, Europe's magnetic attraction would have been feeble had Slobodan Milosevic not been defeated militarily. And undoubtedly American power provides a useful backdrop in the current diplomatic confrontation over Ukraine.
Myth-bustin' at the WaPo
The reason Kerry lost the election had much more to do with the war in Iraq and terrorism than the political ground war in Ohio. Terrorism trumped other issues at the polls -- including moral values -- and anxious voters tended to side with Bush.
• By 54 percent to 41 percent, voters decided that Americans are now safer from terrorist threats than four years ago, national exit polls said.
• By 55 percent to 42 percent, voters accepted Bush's view that Iraq is a part of the war on terrorism. By 51 percent to 45 percent, they still approved of the decision to go to war (though a majority expressed concerns about how the war is going).
• Just 40 percent said they trusted Kerry to do a good job handling the war on terrorism, compared with 58 percent who felt that way about the president.
No shit. There's more there, too. I give the WaPo credit for actually taking a look at the facts.
Intelligence Reform: Round 2
Some of the senators have grown wary about quick passage of the legislation because of questions raised by four former CIA directors in the past summer's hearings, congressional aides say. George J. Tenet, who retired recently as CIA chief, criticized the proposed separation of the national director of intelligence from hands-on control over the CIA, an issue brought up in the summer.
White House negotiations with congressional leaders continued yesterday while Bush attended the Army-Navy football game in Philadelphia.
Bush delayed for the second day sending a letter to Capitol Hill that will include a final plea for passage and language that is designed to assuage the misgivings of the Republican holdouts. White House deputy press secretary Trent Duffy said that the delay is "a good sign" because it shows that "everyone is interested in the fine print, and in making sure the fine print is to everyone's liking and addresses everyone's concerns."
Under the bill, which could come up for a vote this week, the director would become Bush's chief adviser on intelligence, but he would only "monitor the implementation and execution" of intelligence operations carried out by the 15 agencies.
"I don't think you should separate the leader of this country's intelligence from a line agency," Tenet said at a conference last week. "This person has to be leading men and women every day and taking risks."
William H. Webster, who led the CIA from 1987 to 1991, said in an interview last week that he, too, has problems with the bill. He said that because the new director of national intelligence would not be directly in charge of CIA's clandestine operations, "he cannot be accountable for those operations."
Webster also said he believes the counterterrorism center director should not be a presidential appointee and that he should be accountable to the director of national intelligence.
John E. McLaughlin, who retired on Friday as deputy CIA director, is known to feel the same way, though as a government employee he has publicly supported Bush's version of the bill. In the summer, however, during testimony before Warner's committee, McLaughlin asked: "Can substantive and management responsibilities be separated" and "will responsibility and accountability be harder to pin down" if "substantive matters," such as direct control over CIA operations and analyses, are not directly run by the DNI?
Hunter's son, a Marine lieutenant who has served two tours in Iraq, phoned him from embattled Fallujah and "told me to hang in there on the intel thing," the congressman said in an interview late last week. "A lot of military people have told me that," he added, but his accounts of his son, Duncan Duane Hunter, have proved especially moving to his House colleagues, several said.
Hunter has raised two main objections to the legislation that emerged from House-Senate negotiations: It would give the Pentagon insufficient budgetary control over intelligence operations and would make it possible for a director of national intelligence to override Pentagon efforts to deliver information from spy satellites immediately to troops at war. Hunter said in the interview that the budget issue had been resolved, but not the other.
"The military folks are very concerned about the chain-of-command issue," he said. "The Senate has got to move across the finish line on this." Senate leaders have said they will make no further compromises.
Ouch
Saturday, December 04, 2004
Just Like Your Mom Told You, Money Doesn't Grow on Trees
For much of the week, I was inundated with tiny and not-so-tiny reminders about the falling dollar and the unsustainability of large government and current accounts deficits - ranging from discussions in classes to a banner greeting me as I stepped out of the Metro on Wednesday: "Bush's IQ or the dollar - which is falling faster?" (Ha. So clever, those embittered Democrats, eh?) In any case, earlier in the week, I was inspired to write a colossal post about the dollar and the long-term prospects of the U.S. economy. But by the time I actually had time to sit down at the computer and think about it, I was too exhausted to engage in such a draining and depressing activity. Alas, several days later, I still can't escape it. The forces of the universe seem to be conspiring in their insistence that I sit down and crank out a post about that which had me thinking such heretical thoughts earlier in the week. Never one to argue with the forces of the universe, I'm afraid I must comply, though this may be a little less colossal than I was planning earlier in the week.
So we all know the dollar's falling. And it's been falling for a while. Ho-hum. $1.3460/€, was the new low set Friday. Yawn. Unfortunately most Americans are inclined to shurg their shoulders at such news. But the falling dollar is the symptom of a deep and perennial malaise in the U.S. economy, which we've been fortunately or unfortunately spared of facing for a very long time. We've been running current account and budget deficits for so long that we don't really think they're worth worrying about anymore. Indeed, the economists who've been shrieking about this for so long are starting to look like Chicken Littles, as the catastrophe they've long predicted has yet to materialize. I've heard very intelligent people argue that economies don't work like households - where a household is limited in consumption by what it spends, economies have no such limitations.
Doesn't that sound lovely? Our government can keep spending more than it takes in and we can keep buying more than we produce for all eternity and there will never be a problem. The problem with this argument is that those who adhere to it seem to basically be arguing that for economies, money really can just grow on trees. But your mom was right: it doesn't. The money to finance our twin deficits comes from somewhere. It comes from foreigners who are willing to hold onto dollars, rather than trading them in for their own currency. As The Economist puts it: "Imagine you could write cheques that were accepted as payment but never cashed. That is what it amounts to."
We get money to finance our personal and government consumptions only by virtue of the fact that the dollar is regarded as a safe currency to hold. Central banks, in Asia especially, hold dollars by the trillions (according to the same Economist article, the value of dollar assets held abroad is estimated at $11 trillion). So long as they're willing to continue to keep doing this, and keep buying dollars to keep its exchange rate from falling too sharply, we can keep spending to our hearts' delights. But the longer we do so, the more skeptical they become of us. Fundamentally, a country is exactly like a household or a company, in spite of what some claim. It works on a much larger scale, yes. But think about it. You, as an individual, can actually spend more than you take in, by virtue of consumer debt. However, the more debt you take on, the more skeptical banks become of your ability to repay it. Financial markets, both for consumers and for countries, are entirely subjective. As long as lendors believe you can repay your debts and investors believe you're worth the price, they'll continue to give you money. As soon as they believe otherwise, say good-bye to fast money.
The fact that foreigners have been willing to finance our consumption for as long as they have is rather astounding when you think about it. It is testament only to the fact of the extraordinary power of the U.S. economy over recent decades. Signs are that this willingness is coming to an end. Says Bloomberg:
The dollar may decline to $1.57 per euro and 87 yen before it finds a ``long-term bottom,'' according to a study by Goldman Sachs Group Inc.
``It seems very hard to believe that the dollar is close to the end of its decline,'' judged by a history of currency crises in other countries, wrote Alberto Ades, director of global markets research, and Jens Nordvig, a market economist at Goldman in New York.Goldman studied 26 emerging-market currency crises between 1985 and 1999 to estimate how low the dollar may drop to help narrow its record current-account deficit.
Yellen helped send the dollar down almost 1 percent on Sept. 10, when she said the deficit will widen unless the dollar falls.
Overseas investors may curb their financing of the U.S. deficit, Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan said at the European Banking Congress in Frankfurt on Nov. 19. ``A diminished appetite for adding to dollar balances must occur at some point,'' he said.
Fed officials' comments ``reinforce the widespread assumption the Fed thinks a weaker dollar is likely and probably beneficial,'' said Sean Callow, a currency strategist at IDEAglobal in New York.
Reports showing accelerating U.S. factory growth in November and a strong start to consumer spending in the fourth-quarter did nothing to stem the dollar's slide, despite bolstering expectations for the Federal Reserve to keep lifting official rates.
By comparison, European data showed manufacturing growth stalled last month and new orders for goods contracting for the first time in more than a year, with some economists blaming the dollar's gains on the dent to exports.
"Nobody seems to care about the economic data," said Marshall Gittler, senior currency strategist at Deutsche Bank in Tokyo. "That indicators' sentiment for the dollar is seriously, seriously bearish."
Even a 1.5 percent jump in the S&P 500 Monday to a new three-year high offered no solace for the dollar.
The dollar has fallen by a 35% against the euro and 24% against the yen over the past 3 years. That 's a pretty big drop. Fortunately for all of us, and I do mean all of us, it has been a gradual drop. A weak dollar (negative as such a thing sounds) is the only way to correct our current account deficit. If it drops slowly, hopefully, things can stay in relative equilibrium and not cause massive chaos and recessions or depressions worldwide.
In spite of this, the idea of a weak dollar doesn't sell very well in Europe or Asia.
Japan and the eurozone authorities have discussed the prospect of joint currency market intervention if the yen and euro continue to strengthen against the dollar, a senior Japanese finance ministry official said on Wednesday.I side with the Fed on this. While I appreciate the European and Japanese concerns, that the weakening dollar hurts their exports to the U.S., the fundamentals of the U.S. economy suggest that the dollar should be weak. Eventually, the dollar is going to fall. If it does so relatively slowly, it might be relatively painless. If, on the other hand, foreigners continue to artificially prop it up by buying dollars, it will eventually experience a precipitous crash that we will all deeply regret. Indeed, The Economist, which seems to agree with me on the need for the dollar to fall, is far less sanguine than I am about the possibility of it to fall painlessly:
[...]
The official, speaking to reporters on condition of anonymity, added that recent comments about the US current account deficit by Alan Greenspan, chairman of the US Federal Reserve, were a “misjudgment” that had increased market volatility.
[...]
The ministry official said the dollar should not be weakening given the superior US growth performance. “If there is a general depreciation in the dollar, we should have harmonised action,” he said. “If the [dollar's] movement affects the European economy and the Japanese economy, we should defend ourselves.”
America has habits that are inappropriate, to say the least, for the guardian of the world's main reserve currency: rampant government borrowing, furious consumer spending and a current-account deficit big enough to have bankrupted any other country some time ago. This makes a dollar devaluation inevitable, not least because it becomes a seemingly attractive option for the leaders of a heavily indebted America. Policymakers now seem to be talking the dollar down. Yet this is a dangerous game. Why would anybody want to invest in a currency that will almost certainly depreciate?The problem with their analysis is that I'm not exactly sure what they think we should to do about it, absent a fall in the dollar. Yes, clearly, the budget deficit is a part of the problem, and that's something that Congress ought to deal with, but shows no signs of caring about. But fixing the budget deficit alone will not correct the current account deficit. The current account is a product of decentralized American consumer preferences, not the organized effort or negligence of some centralized authority. How does one fix that, besides by making imports more expensive, i.e., by letting the dollar fall?
[...]
America's current-account deficit is at the heart of these global concerns. The OECD's latest Economic Outlook predicts that the deficit will rise to $825 billion by 2006 (6.4% of America's GDP) assuming unchanged exchange rates. Optimists argue that foreigners will keep financing the deficit because American assets offer high returns and a haven from risk. In fact, private investors have already turned away from dollar assets: the returns on investments in America have recently been lower than in Europe or Japan (see article). And can a currency that has been sliding against the world's next two biggest currencies for 30 years be regarded as “safe”?
In a free market, without the massive support of Asian central banks, the dollar would be far weaker. In any case, such support has its limits, and the dollar now seems likely to fall further. How harmful will the economic consequences be? Will it really undermine the dollar's reserve-currency status?
Periods of dollar decline have often been unhappy for the world economy. The breakdown of Bretton Woods that led to a weaker dollar in the early 1970s was painful for all, contributing to rising inflation and recession. In the late 1980s, the falling dollar had few ill-effects on America's economy, but it played a big role in inflating a bubble in Japan by forcing Japanese authorities to slash interest rates.
[...]
Many American policymakers talk as though it is better to rely entirely on a falling dollar to solve, somehow, all their problems. Conceivably, it could happen—but such a one-sided remedy would most likely be far more painful than they imagine. America's challenge is not just to reduce its current-account deficit to a level which foreigners are happy to finance by buying more dollar assets, but also to persuade existing foreign creditors to hang on to their vast stock of dollar assets, estimated at almost $11 trillion. A fall in the dollar sufficient to close the current-account deficit might destroy its safe-haven status. If the dollar falls by another 30%, as some predict, it would amount to the biggest default in history: not a conventional default on debt service, but default by stealth, wiping trillions off the value of foreigners' dollar assets.
The dollar's loss of reserve-currency status would lead America's creditors to start cashing those cheques—and what an awful lot of cheques there are to cash. As that process gathered pace, the dollar could tumble further and further. American bond yields (long-term interest rates) would soar, quite likely causing a deep recession. Americans who favour a weak dollar should be careful what they wish for. Cutting the budget deficit looks cheap at the price.
This is a looming crisis that has been gathering for years. If the dollar gets propped up by foreign banks again, and the U.S. economy continues to look healthy by other indicators, we will probably all continue with the happy delusion of the strong U.S. economy. But eventually the illusions will come crashing down, and the longer we preserve them, the worse the crisis will be when it finally comes. And the disruption in the world economy were the U.S. economy to crash would be absolutely devastating, to the point that I hate to even think about it.
I started this post by confessing that I was briefly entertaining the thought that the economy could be a worse threat to us than terrorism. I say this, not because I've come to the conclusion that terrorism isn't really a threat, but because past periods of economic turmoil have led to, well, massive wars. Should the dollar and subsequently the U.S. economy crash in a really brutal way, which I believe could happen, the worldwide economic order could come completely unglued. And with it, the relatively peaceful political order that much of the world has built since our last truly catastrophic war.
Go ahead, discuss.
Meddlesome Congress (UPDATED)
UPDATE 12/5: He should spend more time and effort harping on stuff like this, where he's far more credible and intelligent.
Thursday, December 02, 2004
Evil Doers
2004 Weblog Awards
Wednesday, December 01, 2004
Webster Legitimizes Blogs
Is it just me, or does CBS's article seem to be barely concealing its bitterness?
I also enjoy the fact that the #10 word of the year was "defenestration."
(CBS/AP) It's possible you may have looked at a "blog" to help make your decision whether to re-elect the "incumbent" during the recent "electoral" process.
And if you did, you weren't alone. Dictionary publisher Merriam-Webster is out with its list of the 2004 "Words of the Year."
Topping the list by a wide margin is the word "blog," which is generally used to describe an online personal journal. The word has shown up consistently since July on the daily top 50 list of words looked up on Merriam-Webster's sites.
[...]
Coming in at number two was "incumbent," which describes President Bush.
The third spot was captured by "electoral," a word we're all probably tired of by now.
A Media Outlet Gets Blogging
Mr Rather claimed to have documents proving that Mr Bush had violated a direct order to take a physical examination, and also that his superiors had been put under pressure to “sugarcoat” his evaluation. But within 14 hours internet sleuths had shown that the documents were forgeries. Mr Rather stood by his story for 12 excruciating days, while his supporters arrogantly contrasted the network's rigorous fact-checking with “a guy sitting in his living room in his pyjamas writing”. But the pyjama guy turned out to be right.Indeed he did. The Economist seems far more in tune (and less hostile) to the changes in media these days than most news outlets I've encountered. It gets better:
Mr Rather's retirement epitomises two broader shifts of power. First, the old media are losing power to the new. And, second, the liberal media establishment is losing power to a more diverse cacophony of new voices.And here is the best part, they seem to truly get the fundamentally non-ideological nature of the blogosphere:
For most of the post-war era the American media were dominated by a comfortable liberal consensus. The New York Times was the undisputed king of the print news, while the network anchors lorded it over TV news. That consensus is now under siege.
[...]
But old media also face a newer and more unpredictable source of competition—the blogosphere. Bloggers have discovered that all you need to set yourself up as a pundit is a website and an attitude.
All through the recent election campaign, the new media outsmarted the old media when it came to setting the news agenda.
[...]
Given America's fractious politics, it is easy to look at Mr Rather's retirement merely in terms of a left v right scorecard. But, more fundamentally, it is about choice.
[...]
Most Americans now get their news from an ever-proliferating range of sources: not just Fox or CNN, but also foreign newspapers and even the innumerable original documents that are now available at the touch of a button. And fewer people regard any single news source—be it CBS News or the New York Times—as the embodiment of truth.
The erosion of the old media establishment probably does entail some shift to the right, if only because so many of the newer voices are more reliably pro-Republican than Mr Rather. But the new media are simply too anarchic and subversive for any single political faction to take control of them.
There are plenty of leftish bloggers too: such people helped Howard Dean's presidential campaign. And the most successful conservative bloggers are far from being party loyalists: look at the way in 2002 that they kept the heat on the Republicans' then Senate leader, Trent Lott, for racist remarks that the New York Times originally buried. It is a safe bet that, if the current Bush administration goes the way of previous second-term administrations and becomes consumed by scandals, conservative bloggers will be in the forefront of the scandal-mongering. Mr Rather's passing does not mean that the liberal orthodoxy is about to give way to a new conservative one. It means that all orthodoxies are being chewed up by a voraciously unpredictable news media, which is surely all to the good.
The Future of the Trans-Atlantic Alliance
Somewhat relatedly, read this article on French politics.
